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The girls were accompanied by seventy Legionaries, mostly shopkeepers, tradesmen, and office workers led by the tailor Dumitru Baiculescu.

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Girls like Maria joined the female wing of the youth section — Frăţia de Cruce the Blood Brotherhood. Cristescu was an important figure in the Legion, which explains in part why so many Legionaries attended her funeral.

Four priests from different Craiovan churches presided over the funeral service. Maria was not a particularly important figure in the movement; nor did she die in politicized circumstances.

The Two-dimensional Space

She had only just joined the Legion in fact, and yet her political affiliation dominated and choreographed her funeral. Their salutes, marching, and office buildings paid tribute to her, and Legionary connections brought in local celebrities and extra priests who would otherwise would not have bothered with the funeral of a school girl.

Legionary propaganda overwhelmed this private family celebration, showing how completely membership of the 4 Tranzacționarea bitcoin rock contested elections as Swing trading bitcoin trageies Corneliu Zelea Codreanu the Corneliu Zelea Codreanu Group,Garda de Fier the Iron Guard,and Partidul Totul pentru Ţară the Everything for the Fatherland Party, Led by the charismatic Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, Legionaries combined political assassination, street violence, and anti-Semitic hate speech with romantic nationalism, religious symbolism, and charity projects.

What does it mean to say that Maria Cristescu was a fascist? Press, I in no way wish to endorse these usages but know of no alternative that retains the embodying meaning that these terms had to contemporaries. Few historians consider anti-Communism to have been foundational to fascism, but most consider that it played an important role.

Mosse ed. These were fluid terms in interwar period; contemporaries often used them interchangeably and certainly not as clearly defined political typologies. More precisely, I examine how rank and file Legionaries experienced and articulated swing trading bitcoin trageies political affiliations as members of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, and more broadly as part of a global fascist network. In doing so, I hope to recover fascism as a social category that had practical consequences for those who embraced it.

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Furthermore, official unde să investești bani bitcoin, uniforms, and the frequency of Legionary activities meant that becoming a Legionary meant far more than giving intellectual assent to a given ideology.

He investiți în acțiuni de bitcoin the Iron Guard as a paramilitary subsidiary of the Legion in The Iron Guard was banned in and has not officially existed since, but it continues to be a popular way of referring to the Legion. According to the Anuarul Statistic al României, Bucharest: Institutul Central de Statistică,the population of Romania in was 19, people.

I think I became acutely aware of it on my first trip abroad. On an Air France bus on the way from CDG to Paris there was a video about sex tourism and how countries were banding together to stop it and imprison offenders. That same night a man approached me when I was alone on a Paris street at night and eventually tried to get me into his car to drive me back to my hotel.

Census data from estimated that 73 percent of the population was ethnically Romanian. Extrapolating the percentage intothis gives a total of 15, ethnic Romanians in Chronologically, the dissertation focuses on the period Ultra-nationalists shared the nationalism and anti-Semitism of Romanian society but they articulated these ideas in terms of an extremist ideology that most of their compatriots were not prepared to accept.

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In former student activists and ultra-nationalists formed the Legion of the Archangel Michael under the leadership of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu.

The Legion became an underground organization for the next two years, after which it suddenly took power in a coup 21 Alberto Melucci, Challenging Codes: Collective Action in the Information Age Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Changes in Romanian politics and the balance of power in Europe transformed the Legion first into an underground terrorist organization and then into a ruling party, radically altering what it meant to be a Legionary from this point on. They adapted the vocabulary, ideology, and organizational structure of the old movement to the conditions of anti-communist guerrilla warfare.

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Denying the anti-Semitism and hooliganism of the interwar period, they reframed the Legion as a spiritual movement aimed at fighting communism. For many of them, the first contact they had with veteran Legionaries was in communist prisons. Other former Legionaries entered the Romanian Orthodox Church as priests, monks, or nuns, using monasteries as a place where they could develop a post facto Legionary spirituality. Many had remarkable religious experiences behind bars, and their testimonies inspired a large body of hagiographical writings in 22 Lăcrămioara Stoenescu, De pe băncile şcolii în închisorile comuniste Bucharest: Curtea Veche, ; Mariana Conovici, Silvia Iliescu, and Octavian Silvestru eds.

Serious discussions of fascism became taboo in Socialist Romania, and the relevant archives were closed to most researchers until the mids with the result that the ghosts of the Legion of the Archangel Michael still haunt Romanian post-Socialism today.

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As Romanians searched for a non-Socialist heritage during the s, many intellectuals looked back to the interwar period as a golden age. Editura Humanitas, the largest and most prominent publishing house in Romania, has led the way in recent years in resurrecting a number of interwar intellectuals who were well known for their Legionary sympathies, including Mircea Eliade, Constantin Noica, Emil Cioran, and Petre Ţuţea.

Even though Tudor does not explicitly reference Legionary history in his propaganda, his political agenda draws on many of the same themes. Although numerically small, the New Right is very vocal and conspicuous, especially in contesting the legality of homosexuality.

In his Cărticică şefului de cuib Little Handbook for Nest Leaders,Corneliu Zelea Codreanu explained that whenever Legionaries gathered for weekly meetings in their nests, they should pray for the victory of the Legion, sing Legionary songs, speak about the dead, think of the Captain — Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, swear never to betray the Legion, share news, and hold discussions on set topics. Questions about the daily practice of Legionarism are best resolved through microhistorical research into the everyday lives of rank and file Legionaries.

The history of everyday life, or Alltagsgeschichte as it is known in Germany, emerged as a distinct historical methodology in the mids, pioneered by historians swing trading bitcoin trageies as Alf Lüdtke and Hans Medick.

Alltagsgeschichte has undergone something of a revival in recent years among historians of Central Europe working in the United States. The examples I use are drawn from hundreds of biographical accounts of Legionary activism collected by the Romanian police or recorded by former Legionaries later in life, and thousands of reports about fascist gatherings and conflicts over a sixteen year period. Local incidents clarify how macrohistorical forces shaped individual experiences of fascism, and how rank and file militants helped build the movement as a whole.

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These sources have only recently become available, and were not available to earlier historians. Sometimes the report indicates whether the information was verified or not, but usually one has to make an educated guess about how reliable the informant was.

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Other factors also meant that some things were simply not recorded. Policemen were sent to look for specific information and often came back empty handed.

In response to warnings from his Regional Inspector about student violence during a proposed congress inthe chief 44 The Romanian secret police was established in and was known as the Siguranţa until when it was reorganized as the Securitate.

Anti- Semitism was also a problem.

Policemen were frequently anti-Semitic and had a propensity to assume that Jews were troublemakers or communists, which made the authorities less likely to properly investigate anti-Semitic swing trading bitcoin trageies. These files were used in court cases or else to provide background checks on suspect individuals being kept under surveillance. Patterns of convenient untruths in such confessional documents are regular enough that researchers can easily recognize them.

Similar problems emerge when one consults memoir accounts or oral histories from former Legionaries, usually designed to appeal to the prejudices of Cold War-era or post- Socialist audiences. They omit instances of anti-Semitism while emphasizing themes such as religiosity or the persecution of Legionaries at the hands of the police.

Like the life-stories that appear in Securitate files, these memoirs are nonetheless useful for the incidental details that they contain. Sofia Cristescu, for example, writes that a male colleague who was listening to the radio while she was cleaning up after a meal told her that Codreanu had been killed by the police.

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Taken together with many similar accounts, her story tells us that when Legionaries gathered together it was the women who cooked and cleaned while the men relaxed and socialized — not an unusual division of labor in interwar Romania.

Earlier studies of the Legion relied upon printed materials such as newspapers, pamphlets, posters, calendars and booklets. I discuss the production and distribution of these materials in detail in chapter nine. Such sources are extremely useful for analyzing Legionary ideology and for the information that they contain about fascist gatherings and activities.

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Other sources I have drawn upon for information about the Legion include non-Legionary newspapers, trial records, membership lists, shopping lists, intercepted letters, administrative documents from local councils, records from the military, regional swing trading bitcoin trageies inspectors and the sub-inspectorate of pre-military training, and the records of factories, schools, theatres, charities and cultural organizations.

The first histories of Romanian fascism were written during the s by Legionaries or by sympathetic foreign observers. Copuzeanu, ; Victor P. Pe marginea prăpastiei: ianuarie2 vols. Bucharest: Socec, These historians focused on the involvement of Orthodox priests and the apocalyptic religious rhetoric of Legionaries, which they juxtaposed with stories about barbaric violence and corruption.

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Zeev Barbu and Stephen Fischer-Galati both also followed this line of interpretation. Woolf ed. Sugar ed. Vago was less interested in the swing trading bitcoin trageies exotic elements of Romanian fascism than swing trading bitcoin trageies the reactions of senior Romanian politicians to extremist violence and anti-Semitism.

Drawing primarily on large Legionary libraries and collections assembled by Legionary émigrés in Germany, Heinen documented the growth and social composition of the Legion as carefully as possible, using German diplomatic documents, Legionary memoirs, newspapers and pamphlets.